One Nation Under Lockdown: A Review of “Lockdown
America”
The San Francisco Chronicle Book Review
September 3, 2000
LOCKDOWN AMERICA
Police and Prisons in the Age of Crisis
By Christian Parenti
Verso Press, 284 pages, price $25 cloth
ISBN 1-85984-718-8
Release Date September 1999
How, precisely, do you define a police state? Is it the number of police
per capita? How about the number of prisons? Police use of machine guns
or armored personnel carriers? The use of the police or the military
to put down strikes, or to otherwise "keep the trains running on
time," as was Mussolini’s specialty? Perhaps it’s the
use of the police or the military to halt civil unrest. Or maybe the
widespread use of curfews. Arbitrary confiscation of private property.
How about this? Could a police state be defined, as in nazi Germany,
by the use of force to segregate members of a specific race into concentration
camps or prisons?
In his powerful book, Lockdown America, Christian Parenti, a teacher
at the New College of California and a writer whose work has appeared
in The Nation, The Progressive, In these Times, and The Christian Science
Monitor, explores the epidemic of imprisonment in the United States.
By now I’m sure you know the basics: the U.S. leads the world in
per capita police, prisons, prisoners, you name it. Nearly one-third
of all black men are in prison, on parole, or awaiting trial. Here in
California, the state government spends more on prisons than it does
on higher education. How has all this craziness come to be? Who benefits
from it?
This book, vividly (and sometimes breathlessly) written, begins with
a modern history of US imprisonment, as conservatives pushed a "strong
on crime" agenda as a backlash against the activism of the 1960s,
and against, as Parenti puts it, "the growing threat of organized
political rebellion and the culture of disobedience and disrespect that
fed it." It details how Nixon and others fabricated a "war
on drugs" to allow increased federal influence on what to that time
had been a haphazard pattern of local law enforcement. It also tells
the chilling story of the rapid rise of the modern information state,
as we move in 1968 from only ten states having automated criminal justice
systems to the present spooky situation in which a Fresno police officer
can say, "If you’re twenty-one, male, living in one of these
neighborhoods . . . and you’re not in our computer--then there’s
definitely something wrong."
Parenti then takes us on a tour of the strongly anti-democratic horrors
that characterize our modern American police state, from SWAT teams terrorizing
suspected criminals, their relatives, their neighbors, witnesses, journalists,
and people who happen to live in the wrong (read poor and nonwhite) neighborhoods
to the increased militarization of our southern border. He shows us the
beatings and killings that happen with inexcusable frequency.
From there he takes us to America’s prisons, crammed with 1.8 million
people (with another three million "doing time" outside, on
parole, etc). He reveals the lie behind the notion that these prisons
make America safer: only 29 percent of all prison admissions in 1994
were for violent offenses, with 31 percent for property offenses, 30
percent for drug violations, and 9 percent for such crimes as drunk driving
or weapons possession.
Parenti brings to light the grim reality of life in prison, telling stories
of places like Corcoran, here in California, which he calls "a land-locked
slaveship stuck on the middle passage to nowhere." He describes
how prisoners are buried alive by the thousands in SHUs, or Security
Housing Units, where they "spend twenty-three hours a day in tiny
cells, with no work, no educational programs, and often in total isolation." He
makes clear the insanity this necessarily engenders among the inmates,
and the insanity that also often infects the guards.
Between 1989 and 1994, California prison guards shot 175 inmates with
live rounds, killing twenty-seven. Between 1994 and the first half of
1998 another twelve were killed, and thirty-two were seriously injured.
This does not include prisoners who were beaten, maced, nor those shot
with non-lethal wooden blocks (called "baton rounds"). As Parenti
puts it, "The unofficial prison-yard executions once again put California
in the vanguard of bad policy. In all other states combined, only six
inmates were shot by guards between 1994 and 1998."
Finally Parenti explores--and this was my favorite part of the book--the
necessary role that prisons play in capitalism: "capitalism needs
the poor and creates poverty, intentionally through policy and organically
through crisis. Yet capitalism is also directly and indirectly threatened
by the poor. Capitalism always creates surplus populations, needs surplus
populations, yet faces the threat of political, aesthetic, or cultural
disruption from those populations. Prison and criminal justice are about
managing these irreconcilable contradictions."
What do we do about all this? One recommendation of course would be to
jettison capitalism. Failing that, Parenti recommends a strong dose of "less." We
need, he says, "less policing, less incarceration, shorter sentences,
less surveillance, fewer laws governing individual behaviors, and less
obsessive concern with every lurid crime, less prohibition, and less
puritanical concern with ‘freaks’ and ‘deviants.’" How
do we get there? He suggests popular protest, education, and perhaps
most radically of all, that we listen to the poor and the young, to those
who have the most to lose--the possibility of living free--from the American
police state.